By Harold Pease, Ph.D.

Put bluntly Democrats support extermination of their own unwanted kind and Republicans went along with it because it was a form of birth control. Two issues have forced a wider gulf on abortion than ever: 1) science has shown a fetal heartbeat at six weeks of pregnancy and 2) many taxpayers oppose funding extermination clinics of their own human kind. A strict interpretation of the Constitution would not have allowed either. The word abortion has never been in the Constitution, in 1973, or now.

Many who work in Planned Parenthood centers admit that perhaps 80% of what they do is exterminate unwanted humans. This is not family planning; it is instead the destruction of the family. Nor are such centers primarily for women’s health unless you can argue that pregnant women are unhealthy because they are pregnant. Abortion is not healthcare.

If women’s health were the “real” issue, redistributing Title X grants to non-Planned Parenthood facilities would better serve vastly more women and more of their health concerns. But funding extermination centers remains the primary purpose of Planned Parenthood.

Since Roe v. Wade we have aborted 63,776,644. in the U.S (http://www.numberofabortions.com/). A review of abortion pictures on the Internet often show tiny human body parts separated from the whole body when a scalpel was used to cut up the body making it easier to expel.

Abortion would not be a federal issue if both political parties followed the listed limits of federal power in the Constitution as designed. Again, the word abortion is not found in the Constitution, nor inferred, and no new amendment to the Constitution has been added moving it from a state power—Amendment 10 (where all powers not specifically identified in the Constitution as federal reside)—to a federal prerogative.

Without extreme, constitutional perversion to original intent the Supreme Court cannot rule, as it did in Roe v. Wade in 1973, in such a way as to create new law in an area where no federal law first existed or was subsequently added by way of a constitutional amendment. That no constitutional authority ever existed for Roe v. Wade in the first place, even less exists to extend that travel direction today.

Article 1, Section 8 lists federal powers. This clause divides all federal power into the four following areas: to tax, pay debt, provide for the general welfare and common defense. So as to restrict the federal government from enlarging its power, which is its natural tendency to do, the last two grants of power of the four each had an additional eight clauses giving clarity to what was meant by general welfare (clauses 2-9) and common defense (clauses 10-17). Outside these qualifiers the federal government has NO power to tax, spend, legislate, administrate or adjudicate. None!!

Even with the clarification of the list, states fearing that the federal government might still like to grow at their expense, refused to ratify the Constitution without additional restrictions harnessing it more fully to the enumerated powers, hence the Bill of Rights. These end with the federal handcuffs of Amendment 10: “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”

The problem with the federal government going off the list and funding or assuming powers clearly not on it is that each time it does so—even once—the stronger the inclination to do so again. One minor departure begets another until one notices that what the federal government does has little or no relationship to the list. The result, in this case, is that mothers, encouraged by their federal government, exterminated over 60 million of their own; about ten times the number of Jews killed in the Nazi holocaust death camps, now so universally condemned.

But a fake connection to the Constitution was not the only fake part of Roe v. Wade. Jane Roe, Norma McCorvey, “AKA Jane Roe.” the plaintiff in the landmark 1973 case that legalized abortion in America was fake also. In the mid-1990s, McCorvey made a public religious and political conversion. “She was baptized on television in a backyard swimming pool; she wore overalls and came out beaming. She declared herself newly pro-life and spent the last two decades of her life crusading against the ruling her own case had made possible.” She announced “to the camera with an oxygen tube dangling from her nose” and told director Nick Sweeney, “This is my deathbed confession.”

“She never really supported the antiabortion movement,” she told Sweeney, in a scene filmed in 2017. “I took their money and they put me out in front of the camera and told me what to say, and that’s what I’d say.” “It was all an act?” the director asked. “Yeah,” she says. “I was good at it, too.” In fact, she had never had an abortion either. “By the time the Supreme Court handed down its decision, she’d been forced to carry out her pregnancy; the child had already been adopted” (Jane Roe, May 20, 2020, Washington Post, “‘Jane Roe,’ from Roe v. Wade, made a stunning deathbed confession. Now What? By Monica Hesse, May 20, 2020 New documentary ‘AKA Jane Roe’). Still, even a deathbed confession has some value But her story is a part of the deceit and national blood stain that surrounds this issue.

Dr. Harold Pease is a syndicated columnist and an expert on the United States Constitution. He has dedicated his career to studying the writings of the Founding Fathers and applying that knowledge to current events. He taught history and political science from this perspective for over 30 years at Taft College. Newspapers have permission to publish this column. To read more of his weekly articles, please visit www. www.LibertyUnderFire.org.